U okviru “Škole demokracije” održan je prvi modul predavanja o ulozi žrtve u povijesti Hrvatske 20. vijeka na kojem su govorili povjesničari Lovre Kralj, Gorana Hutinec i Martin Previšić

Uokviru “Škole demokracije” u utorak, 28. maja, na Filozofskom fakultetu u Zagrebu održan je prvi modul predavanja o ulozi žrtve u povijesti Hrvatske 20. vijeka. Predavanjima profesora

Lovre Kralja “Žrtve ustaškog režima”, Gorana Hutinca “Zločini partizana tijekom i nakon Drugog svjetskog rata” te Martina Previšića “Goli otok – žrtve jugoslavenskog komunističkog režima” prisustvovalo je pedesetak studenata koji su pokazali velik interes za temu.

“Škola demokracije”, koju čine tri modula predavanja od kojih će naredni biti održan najesen, a treći u zimu, dio je projekta Europa za građane pod nazivom “Položaj i uloga žrtve” čiji su nosioci Savez antifašističkih boraca i antifašista Hrvatske (SABA RH), Zveza združenj borcev za vrednote narodnoosvobodilnega boja Slovenije (Zveza) i Nacionalni savez partizana Italije (ANPI) za područje Trsta, uz partnerstvo Documente – centra za suočavanje s prošlošću.

Nakon uvodne riječi profesora Hrvoja Klasića, Kralj je naveo primjere (ne)kulture sjećanja i delegiranja odgovornosti za zločine počinjene u NDH na vanjske faktore. Citirao je predsjednika Zorana Milanovića da “mi nismo proganjali Židove u Drugom svjetskom ratu” ili akt Komisije za ustanovljavanja zločine okupatora i njihovih suradnika u kojem se ističe da se zbog svojih nedjela ustaše ne mogu smatrati Hrvatima niti četnici Srbima.

Na primjeru analize 42 teksta iz Ustaškog glasila od 1932. do 1934. vidljivo je da s vremenom broj ksenofobičnih tekstova s vremenom pada, da broj antisrpskih tekstova s vremenom raste, da antisemitskih tekstova nema, a antiromskih tek jedan ili dva. Ustaše kasnije prigrljuju antisemitizam kako bi pokazali svoj antikapitalizam, antiliberalizam i antikomunizam s obzirom da su Židovi bili utjelovljenje sva tri pojma.

Spomenuo je i pisanja Novog lista i Hrvatskog naroda gdje je 1941. bilo 367 antisemitskih tekstova, da bi se do 1944. sveo na njih 20.

– Smanjenje njihovog broja posljedica je uvjerenja da je u NDH “riješeno židovsko pitanje” – rekao je Kralj i naglasio da je etnička homogenizacija bila prioritet ustaškog režima, jer je Hrvata bilo ispod 60 posto, Srba preko 30 posto, a Muslimana oko 15 posto.

Primjer odnosa prema Židovima i Srbima potkrijepio je tzv. srpanjskim naredbama iz 1941. po kojima su Židovi i Srbi osumnjičeni kao komunisti odmah sprovođeni u kompleks logora Gospić, dok su katolici i muslimani odvođeni u pritvor, kao i da se taj postupak provodi prema svim Srbima i Židovima komunistima, bili oni pokatoličeni ili ne.

U NDH je pobijeno između 499.000 i 530.000 civila, što je 72 posto ukupnih ljudskih gubitaka NDH. Tu je stradalo između 690.000 i 736.000 ljudi, što čini 67 posto žrtava na području Jugoslavije. Među žrtvama u NDH, Srbi čine 69 posto. Hrvati 11 posto, muslimani osam posto, Židovi šest, a Romi pet posto. Odnosno, Srba je pobijeno 350.000 ili 18 posto populacije, Židova 31.000 ili 77,5 posto te Roma do 27.000 (do 95 posto). Dokaz genocida je i da je kod Židova i Roma odnos ubijenih muškaraca i žena otprilike pola- pola, dok je kod Srba 64,5 posto muškaraca i 35,54 posto žena, što znači da je spriječeno da se genocid provede do kraja.

Govoreći o žrtvama ustanika, partizana i NOVJ, odnosno Jugoslavenske armije i državnih organa od 1.marta 1945. Goran Hutinec naveo je da su komunisti imali iskustva iz Rusije i da, za razliku od fašista, nisu definirali podljude, nego su iz puta u bolju budućnost eliminirali one koji predstavljaju smetnju iz konačni cilj ojačavanja klase a ne nacije. Naglasio je položaj Srba u Hrvatskoj koji su se digli da spase gole živote i kojima bi svako odustajanje od borbe značilo smrt.

Spomenuo je osvetničke zločine 1941., pojedinačne slučajeve 1942. i 1943. (Španovica i Zrin), te likvidacije ratnih zarobljenika na kraju rata. Kad je Njemačka u Reimsu i Berlinu potpisala kapitulaciju svi su se trebali predati jer su bili pod njemačkih zapovjedništvom. To su pokušali izigrati prebacivanjem zapovjedništva, što nije imalo nikakve pravne posljedice jer su bili smatrani “franktireurima” (nelegalni borci), rekao je Hutinec i naglasio da likvidacije nisu počele odmah nakon predaje. Zarobljenici su odvođeni u Maribor gdje je bio centar za selekciju, a onda odvođeni na Tezno ili Macelj. Uz ustaše i domobrane s činovima, likvidirani su četnici, Nijemci, pa i jedan broja Arapa koji je bio u njemačkoj službi, te ranjenici pokupljeni iz bolnica jer su rane bile dokaz da su se i na kraju rata borili protiv partizana. Dio “domaćih” zarobljenika amnestiran je i pušten već 1945. i 1946. dok su njemački zarobljenici pušteni tek 1953. zaključio je.

Govoreći o Golom otoku, Previšić je naglasio kako je do 80-ih vladao stav prema informbirooovcima (IB-ovci) koji su bili zatvoreni na Golom otoku.

– Oni su činili vrlo raznoliku skupinu, od uvjerenih staljinista koji su pravili diverzije ili se politički suprotstavljali Titu do onih koji su pričali viceve ili jednostavno bili lažno optuženi. Hapšenja i gradnja logora nisu počeli odmah nakon Rezolucije Informiroa krajem lipnja 1948. već godinu dana kasnije. Staljin se nadao da će Tito pasti, Tito da će se Staljin smiriti, ali je sukob bio sve oštriji, pa su krenula hapšenja. Ukupno je bilo 15.500 uhapšenih, od kojih je oko 13.000 do 1956. završilo na Golom otoku. najviše uhapšenih bilo je 1949. – 6.246, ali je te godine bilo i 1.298 puštenih – rekao je Previšić i naglasio da je od ukupno 399 stradalih, zbog posljedica teškog života i bolesti, oko dvije trećine stradalo 1951. godine.

Nakon skupa pitali smo Hrvoja Klasića za dojmove.

– Drago mi je što su studenti došli u dosta velikom broju jer je uspjeh namamiti ih da izvan redovnih aktivnosti slušaju dva sata o povijesti. Predavači su bili odlični, a predavanja su zadržala njihovu pažnju. Bilo je i zanimljivih pitanja, iako među njima prevladava stav da ne žele postavljati puno pitanja, što zbog srama što zbog straha – rekao je Klasić.

Who Were the Victims of Croatian History in the 20th Century

As part of the “School of Democracy,” the first module of lectures on the role of victims in the history of Croatia in the 20th century was held, featuring historians Lovre Kralj, Gorana Hutinec, and Martin Previšić.

The lecture was held at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in Zagreb.
Photo: Nenad Jovanović

Within the framework of the “School of Democracy,” on Tuesday, May 28, the first lecture module on the role of victims in the history of Croatia in the 20th century was held at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in Zagreb. Around fifty students attended the lectures by professors Lovre Kralj, Goran Hutinec, and Martin Previšić, demonstrating strong interest in the topic.

The lectures were titled:

• Lovre Kralj: “Victims of the Ustaša Regime”
• Goran Hutinec: “Crimes of the Partisans During and After the Second World War”
• Martin Previšić: “Goli Otok – Victims of the Yugoslav Communist Regime”

The “School of Democracy,” consisting of three lecture modules (with the next one scheduled for autumn and the third in winter), is part of the Europe for Citizens project titled “The Position and Role of the Victim.” The project is led by the Alliance of Anti-Fascist Fighters and Anti-Fascists of Croatia (SABA RH), the Union of Associations of Fighters for the Values of the National Liberation Struggle of Slovenia (Zveza), and the National Association of Italian Partisans (ANPI) for the Trieste area, in partnership with Documenta – Center for Dealing with the Past.

After introductory remarks by historian Hrvoje Klasić, Lovre Kralj presented examples of the (lack of) culture of remembrance and the shifting of responsibility for crimes committed in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) to external factors. He cited Croatian President Zoran Milanović, who once stated that “we did not persecute Jews during the Second World War,” as well as a document by the Commission for Determining the Crimes of the Occupiers and Their Collaborators, which emphasized that due to their actions the Ustaše could not be considered Croats nor the Chetniks Serbs.

Based on an analysis of 42 articles from the Ustaša publication (1932–1934), it is visible that over time the number of xenophobic articles decreased, the number of anti-Serb texts increased, there were no antisemitic texts, and only one or two anti-Roma texts. The Ustaša later embraced antisemitism to demonstrate their anti-capitalism, anti-liberalism, and anti-communism, since Jews were seen as embodying all three concepts.

Kralj also mentioned writings in Novi list and Hrvatski narod, where in 1941 there were 367 antisemitic articles, but by 1944 the number dropped to only 20.

“The decrease was a consequence of the belief that the ‘Jewish question’ had already been solved in the NDH,” said Kralj, emphasizing that ethnic homogenization was a priority of the Ustaša regime, since Croats made up less than 60 percent of the population, Serbs over 30 percent, and Muslims around 15 percent.

As an example of the regime’s treatment of Jews and Serbs, he cited the so-called July decrees of 1941, according to which Jews and Serbs suspected of being communists were immediately sent to the Gospić camp complex, while Catholics and Muslims were taken into detention. This policy applied to all Serbs and Jews who were communists, whether they had converted to Catholicism or not.

In the NDH, between 499,000 and 530,000 civilians were killed, which represents 72 percent of the total human losses of the NDH. Altogether between 690,000 and 736,000 people died there, accounting for 67 percent of the victims in the territory of Yugoslavia.

Among the victims in the NDH:

• Serbs: 69%
• Croats: 11%
• Muslims: 8%
• Jews: 6%
• Roma: 5%

In absolute numbers:

• 350,000 Serbs were killed (about 18 percent of the population)
• 31,000 Jews were killed (77.5 percent)
• Up to 27,000 Roma were killed (up to 95 percent)

Evidence of genocide is also reflected in the fact that among Jews and Roma, the number of killed men and women was roughly equal, whereas among Serbs 64.5 percent were men and 35.54 percent women, indicating that the genocide was not carried out to its full extent.

Speaking about the victims of insurgents, partisans, the National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia (NOVJ), later the Yugoslav Army, and state authorities after March 1, 1945, Goran Hutinec explained that communists had learned from the experience of Russia. Unlike fascists, they did not define “subhumans,” but instead eliminated those who stood in the way of building a better future, with the goal of strengthening class rather than nation.

He emphasized the position of Serbs in Croatia, who rose up to save their lives, and for whom abandoning the fight would have meant death.

Hutinec mentioned:

• revenge killings in 1941
• individual cases in 1942 and 1943 (Španovica and Zrin)
• executions of prisoners of war at the end of the war

When Germany signed its capitulation in Reims and Berlin, all forces under German command were expected to surrender. Attempts to transfer command in order to avoid this had no legal consequences, as they were considered “francs-tireurs” (illegal fighters).

He emphasized that executions did not begin immediately after surrender. Prisoners were taken to Maribor, which served as a selection center, and then transported to Tezno or Macelj. Those executed included Ustaše and Domobrans with ranks, Chetniks, Germans, and even a number of Arabs serving in German units, as well as wounded soldiers taken from hospitals, since their wounds proved they had continued fighting against the partisans at the end of the war.

Some domestic prisoners were amnestied and released in 1945 and 1946, while German prisoners were released only in 1953, Hutinec concluded.

Speaking about Goli Otok, Martin Previšić explained that until the 1980s, there was a particular attitude toward Informbiro supporters (IB members) imprisoned there.

“They formed a very diverse group—from convinced Stalinists who organized sabotage or politically opposed Tito, to those who simply told jokes or were falsely accused,” Previšić said.

Arrests and the construction of the camp did not begin immediately after the Informbiro Resolution in late June 1948, but about a year later. Stalin expected Tito to fall, while Tito expected Stalin to calm down, but the conflict intensified, leading to arrests.

In total:

• 15,500 people were arrested
• about 13,000 were sent to Goli Otok by 1956

The largest number of arrests occurred in 1949 (6,246 people), but that year 1,298 were also released.

Out of 399 people who died, mostly due to the harsh living conditions and illness, about two-thirds died in 1951, Previšić stated.

After the event, historian Hrvoje Klasić was asked for his impressions.

“I am glad that students came in such large numbers because it is not easy to attract them to listen to two hours of history outside their regular classes. The lecturers were excellent and kept their attention. There were also interesting questions, although many students are hesitant to ask them, partly out of embarrassment and partly out of fear,” said Klasić.

(Novosti/Nenad Jovanović)

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